IND 3.5% vs LIB
Incumbent MP
Monique Ryan, since 2022.
Geography
Eastern suburbs of Melbourne. Kooyong covers a majority of the Boroondara council area and part of the Stonnington council area, including the suburbs of Armadale, Hawthorn, Kew, Kooyong, Malvern, Canterbury, Surrey Hills, Balwyn, Toorak and parts of Camberwell.
Redistribution
Kooyong expanded south, taking in the suburbs of Kooyong, Toorak, Armadale and Malvern from the abolished seat of Higgins. Kooyong lost Mont Albert and Mont Albert North to Menzies, and lost part of Camberwell and the remainder of Glen Iris to Chisholm. These changes increased the estimated margin for Ryan from 2.9% to 3.5%.
History
Kooyong is an original federation electorate, and has always been held by conservative parties, by the Free Trade Party for the first eight years and by the Liberal Party and its predecessors since 1909. It was held from 1922 to 1994 by only three men, all of whom led the major conservative force in federal politics.
The seat was first won in 1901 by Free Trader William Knox. He was re-elected in 1903 and 1906 and became a part of the unified Liberal Party in 1909. He won re-election in 1910 but retired later that year after suffering a stroke.
The 1910 by-election was won by Liberal candidate Robert Best. Best had previously served as a colonial minister and a Protectionist Senator from 1901 to the 1910 election, when he lost his seat in the ALP’s majority victory, and had served as a minister in Alfred Deakin’s second and third governments. Best returned to Parliament, but didn’t serve in Joseph Cook’s Liberal government or Billy Hughes’ Nationalist government.
At the 1922 election, Best was challenged by lawyer John Latham, who stood for the breakaway Liberal Union, a conservative party running to personally oppose Billy Hughes’ leadership of the Nationalist Party. Despite winning the most primary votes by a large margin, Best lost to Latham on Labor preferences.
John Latham was elected as one of five MPs for the breakaway Liberal Party (two of whom had previously been Nationalist MPs and retained their seats as Liberals in 1922). The Nationalists lost their majority due to gains for the Liberal Party and Country Party, and were forced to go into coalition, and the Country Party demanded Billy Hughes’ resignation as Prime Minister. With Stanley Bruce taking over as Prime Minister, the five Liberals, including Latham, effectively rejoined the Nationalist Party, and Latham won re-election in 1925 as a Nationalist.
Latham served as Attorney-General in the Bruce government from 1925 to 1929, when the Nationalists lost power, and Bruce himself lost his seat. Latham became Leader of the Opposition, but yielded the leadership to former Labor minister Joseph Lyons when they formed the new United Australia Party out of the Nationalists and Labor rebels. Latham served as the unofficial Deputy Prime Minister in the first term of the Lyons government (when they governed without the need for support from the Country Party), before retiring at the 1934 election. Latham went on to serve as Chief Justice of the High Court from 1935 to 1952.
Kooyong was won in 1934 by Robert Menzies. Menzies had been elected to the Victorian state parliament in 1928 and had served as Deputy Premier in the United Australia Party government from 1932 to 1934. He was immediately appointed Attorney-General in the Lyons government. He served in the Lyons government until 1939, when he resigned from the Cabinet in protest over what he saw as the government’s inaction. This was shortly before the death of Joseph Lyons in April 1939, which was followed by the UAP electing Robert Menzies as leader, making him Prime Minister.
Menzies’ first term was rocky, with the Second World War being declared in September 1939. He managed to retain power with the support of independents at the 1940 election, but after spending months in Europe on war strategy in 1941 he returned home to opposition within the government, and was forced to resign as Prime Minister and UAP leader. He was replaced as leader by Country Party leader Arthur Fadden, who was followed soon after by Labor leader John Curtin.
Menzies worked in opposition to reform the conservative forces, who suffered a massive defeat at the 1943 election. In 1944 and 1945 he put together the new Liberal Party, which took over from the moribund United Australia Party and a number of splinter groups. He led the party to the 1946 election and won power in 1949.
Menzies held power for the next sixteen years, retaining power at elections in 1951, 1954, 1955, 1958, 1961 and 1963, and retiring in January 1966.
The 1966 Kooyong by-election was won by Andrew Peacock, then President of the Victorian Liberal Party. Peacock rose to the ministry in 1969 and served in the ministry until the election of the Whitlam government in 1972. He served as a senior frontbencher during the Whitlam government and became Minister for Foreign Affairs in the Fraser government in 1975. He moved to the Industrial Relations portfolio in 1980, but resigned from Cabinet in 1981 due to supposed meddling in his portfolio by the Prime Minister. He launched a failed challenge to Fraser’s leadership and moved to the backbench, although he returned to Cabinet in late 1982, a few months before Malcolm Fraser lost power.
After the 1983 election, Peacock was elected leader, defeating John Howard, who had served as Deputy Leader of the Liberal Party for the last few months of the Fraser government. Peacock led the party into the 1984 election, reducing the Hawke government’s majority. With rising speculation of a leadership challenge from Howard (still deputy leader) in 1985, he attempted to replace Howard as deputy leader, but the party room re-elected Howard. This caused Peacock to resign as leader and Howard was elected Leader of the Opposition. Howard led the Liberal Party to a bigger defeat in 1987. Howard was challenged by Peacock in 1989, and Peacock led the Liberal Party to the 1990 election. Despite winning a majority of the two-party preferred vote, Peacock didn’t win enough seats, and he resigned as leader immediately after the election.
Peacock remained on the frontbench under the leadership of John Hewson and Alexander Downer, and retired in 1994. Peacock was appointed Ambassador to the United States upon the election of the Howard government in 1996, and served in the role until 1999.
Kooyong was won at the 1994 by-election by Petro Georgiou, the State Director of the Victorian Liberal Party. Georgiou was a former advisor to Malcolm Fraser and a key proponent of multicultural government policies. Georgiou’s main opposition came from Greens candidate Peter Singer, due to the absence of a Labor candidate. Singer managed 28% of the primary vote, which remained a Greens record until the 2009 Higgins by-election, but it wasn’t enough to seriously challenge the Liberal hold on Kooyong.
Georgiou positioned himself strongly as a moderate within the Liberal Party and despite his impeccable credentials in the Liberal Party and as a policy advisor, he never held a frontbench role in the Howard government. He was openly critical of the Howard government’s refugee policies in the final term of the Howard government. He faced a strong preselection challenge in 2006, but managed to win more than two thirds of votes in the preselection. He managed to win re-election in 2007 with practically no swing against him, despite the Liberals suffering large swings across Australia.
In 2010, Georgiou retired, and he was succeeded by fellow Liberal Josh Frydenberg. Frydenberg was re-elected three times, and in 2018 was elected deputy leader of the Liberal Party. Frydenberg served in a number of ministerial portfolios, including as Treasurer from 2018 until 2022.
Frydenberg was defeated in 2022 by independent candidate Monique Ryan.
Assessment
The 2022 political environment was more favourable to independents than it is now, but Monique Ryan should benefit from a personal vote that will help her win a second term.
| Candidate | Party | Votes | % | Swing | Redist |
| Josh Frydenberg | Liberal | 43,736 | 42.7 | -6.5 | 43.4 |
| Monique Ryan | Independent | 41,303 | 40.3 | +40.3 | 30.8 |
| Peter Lynch | Labor | 7,091 | 6.9 | -10.6 | 11.3 |
| Piers Mitchem | Greens | 6,461 | 6.3 | -14.8 | 9.8 |
| Alexandra Thom | Liberal Democrats | 1,080 | 1.1 | +1.1 | 1.4 |
| Scott Hardiman | United Australia | 1,011 | 1.0 | -0.2 | 1.2 |
| Rachael Nehmer | Animal Justice | 500 | 0.5 | -0.7 | 0.7 |
| Josh Coyne | One Nation | 741 | 0.7 | +0.7 | 0.5 |
| Others | 0.4 | ||||
| Will Anderson | Independent | 265 | 0.3 | +0.3 | 0.2 |
| Michele Dale | Hinch’s Justice Party | 177 | 0.2 | +0.1 | 0.1 |
| David Connolly | Australian Values Party | 152 | 0.1 | +0.2 | 0.1 |
| Informal | 3,046 | 2.9 | -0.1 |
2022 two-candidate-preferred result
| Candidate | Party | Votes | % | Swing | Redist |
| Monique Ryan | Independent | 54,276 | 52.9 | 53.5 | |
| Josh Frydenberg | Liberal | 48,241 | 47.1 | 46.5 |
2022 two-party-preferred result
| Candidate | Party | Votes | % | Swing | Redist |
| Josh Frydenberg | Liberal | 55,542 | 54.2 | -2.2 | 53.7 |
| Peter Lynch | Labor | 46,975 | 45.8 | +2.2 | 46.3 |
Booths have been divided into five areas: central, east, north-east, north-west and south. The “South” covers all of the areas added to Kooyong from Higgins, and thus no cover votes were cast there for Monique Ryan.
Ryan won a majority of the two-candidate-preferred vote in three of the other four areas, ranging from 53.7% in the north-west to 60.4% in the centre. The Liberal Party won 51.1% in the north-east.
The two-party-preferred vote (between Liberal and Labor) was recorded everywhere. Generally the Liberal Party did 7-9% better on the 2PP than on the 2CP. Labor won in Central but the Liberal Party won everywhere else.
| Voter group | LIB 2PP | IND 2CP | Total votes | % of votes |
| North-West | 53.9 | 53.7 | 10,921 | 9.9 |
| East | 54.9 | 54.0 | 10,894 | 9.9 |
| Central | 48.5 | 60.4 | 9,218 | 8.4 |
| South | 51.7 | 0.0 | 8,962 | 8.1 |
| North-East | 58.7 | 48.9 | 7,828 | 7.1 |
| Pre-poll | 52.5 | 38.3 | 37,574 | 34.1 |
| Other votes | 56.1 | 35.8 | 24,835 | 22.5 |
Election results in Kooyong at the 2022 federal election
Toggle between two-candidate-preferred votes (Independent and Labor vs Liberal), two-party-preferred votes and primary votes for the Liberal Party, independent candidates, Labor and the Greens.
@Pencil, it does actually. Thanks for sharing that, I’ve always wondered what Henty’s exact boundary was because I know Murrumbeena was in it for a long time.
If you move that eastern boundary westward to Warrigal Rd or Poath Rd, and the western boundary back to around Orrong Road or Hotham St, you have a pretty great community of interest within those boundaries I think. And it would improve the seats around it too (Macnamara, Hotham, Goldstein).
This term will be interesting for all of the Teals as the huge Labor majority effectively deprives them of any oxygen. It is hard enough for the Coalition to get oxygen and national exposure let alone the Teals. They can concentrate on their local areas or be fundamentally irrelevant.
@Votante:
Looking back at the history, Georgiou easily defeated Frydenburg in a preselection ballot in 2009, then retired at the election.
So, it’s been a left-Liberal seat for 50 years before Ryan won, there won’t be a lurch to the Right for Frydenburg or any other candidate, imo, other than John Pesutto.
We might see a shift in Ryan’s approach to things both in parliament and in Kooyong following her close call. We might also see a ‘more active than your average first-term’ teal in Boele since she narrowly scraped through.
I think that like me, many others overestimated the teals’ chances this election and never expected narrow contests. This was even on the back of a very unpopular Liberal Party and leader.
@Votante the Liberals did well with their postal campaign which was covered quite extensively in Victoria. Having Hamer and Wilson posing as Liberals disguised as some sort of moderates also worked a treat in deceiving the people of Kooyong and Goldstein that they’d be getting small-l liberals in the veins of Ted Ballieu rather than the toxicity of the likes of Tim Smith.
The NSW Liberal candidates in Teal seats weren’t bad either, they were just up against popular incumbents who hasn’t set a foot wrong. In Victoria Ryan had her own issues which cancelled out her advantage against Hamer (who in turn cancelled our her own advantage by pretending to be a renter when she’s a property owner), whilst Zoe Daniel was undone by being less vocal on Israel/Gaza which was something Wilson campaigned on quite frequently to the people of Caulfield South. In contrast Allegra Spender was big on antisemitism in parliament and was very engaged with the community, whilst Zoe Daniel was too obsessed with gambling reforms and Monique Ryan was able to somewhat conjure a win with the HECs debt deduction by the government which she advocated for.
Hamer owns a property in London and Canberra she lives in Melbourne so it’s hard for to live in those houses. Given her career is in Melbourne.she still rents a house in Melbourne does she not
@Tommo9, well, technically if they were elected they would’ve been similar to Ted Bailleu ideologically, whether the party leadership was or wasn’t is a different question. It’s important to distinguish between individual members, individual supporters and the leadership of the party.
Also I don’t think gambling reforms are bad or unpopular, I think the opposite would be true. I think it was just the Victorian teals were more vocally progressive whereas the NSW ones stayed loyal to their word.
Agree NP, it is in fact advantageous to get a moderate Coalition MP as a local member because they can act as a more independent voice, similar to Bridget Archer in Bass who often challenged certain policies from the leadership.
@Yoh An It was pretty clear that both Hamer and Wilson were pretty much tied up to Dutton word for word even though they are moderates. And how did Bridget Archer end up? She is a good MP but got punted for being part of Dutton who was toxic. She could’ve survived if she became teal.
@Nether Portal I don’t think gambling reforms are bad either it’s just that Daniel was super obsessed with it and there’s been pretty much nothing else coming from her apart from this topic which wasn’t addressed by the government even after the Murphy report. At least Monique Ryan had a win by being able to convince the government to cut HECs debt.
@Tommo9 she held a marginal seat and without the Dutton factor would’ve won (this is the case for probably most seats that Labor won given Albo was also unpopular per polling).
In Tassie I would expect her to easily get elected and given the circumstances the Liberals will probably win the election.
@Nether Portal actually Albanese was popular in terms of preferred PM given he’s consistently beaten Dutton and his popularity was at worst on part with Scott Morrison 2019-2022 when he was ahead of Albanese as preferred PM and was actually popular in Tasmania. I think credit is due when it’s due.
To continue from the Goldstein thread, there is talk that Monique Ryan will lose her seat in 2028. I would say after her holding despite unfavourable redistribution that and the liberals put a high profile candidate as well as Liberals throwing a lot of money here that she’d likely retain in 2028 baring that there isn’t another significant redistribution or controversy. I’m curious as to why others think she’s likely to lose especially if the Liberals are to dumb net zero.
@ SpaceFish
my view is she will retain in 2028. Monique Ryan and Zoe Daniel are seen as more left-leaning Teals especially when compared to Allegra Spender. I think Monique Ryan is not as popular compared to some of the other teals. Compared to Goldstein there is more density/young renters as well as a strong Chinese community. The Jewish community is also lower here, a community which is trending rightwards. The other issue is even if Amelia Hamer wins unlike Frydenburg the chances she will be leader before 2031 election is lower.
“dump”
Because the margin here was higher and the liberal collapse nationally blunted their advance as in Goldstein the liberals gained ground here unlike the other teal seats in nsw and wa. If the liberals didn’t fall apart during the campaign they would have wo here. They were within a shot to regain some form of govt. Having eliminated 2 teals who would have likely sided with Labor they would have probly formed some form of minority govt if they hadn’t screwed themselves the only the thing that saved Ryan was the a combination of incompetence of the libs trump and the scaremongering and vote buying of lab or.
Spacefish, it will be seen as a dumb move for the coalition and liberal party to drop net zero, by doing so they will take themselves out of contention of winning the teal seats, which is a constituency they have to recover (at least partially) in order to form government again
Not necessarily they have eliminated 1 hostile teal and almost Monique Ryan. If they could get close to govt the remaining teals seem reasonable enough to deal and negotiate with. Besides their plan to target outer suburban working class seats isn’t without merit they just happened to fail miserably at campaigning along with other factors.
@SpaceFish Remember that Hamer was high-profile for many of the wrong reasons.
If they abandon net zero then they’re probably screwed here, but if not, I can’t see how they don’t win, especially Frydenberg makes a comeback.
I don’t think they should abandon net zero but they shouldn’t wreck the economy to do it. Australia is such a small contributor to a problem that’s already a minute amount of human contribution In total. That’s why the carbon tax killed Julia Gillard.
There were 16 marginal seats the liberals could have conceivably won before the teals. That would have got them to 73 seats after that it would have just been a matter of going shopping for the best deal. If you included winning Curtin kooyong a Nd Goldstein that gets them to 76 and Bendigo would probably have flipped to the nats, that’s 77. Others like Pearce Hawke Gorton also looked promising and even deified th national swing against a poor campaign. Also Ballarat experienced a small swing and with a long serving member who’s gonna be 62 at the next election. That could also be on the target list in the near future. But thanks to a por election out come the libs have probably sentenced themselves to opposition til at least the next decade. They also have good prospects in Solomon and if they can get their act together Whitlam. Labor also got a scare in Fremantle and Bean and to a lesser extent Franklin. The teals are now a threat to Labor. One nation saved Labor in Fremantle and the liberals saved Labor in franklin. They also just held calwell despite a massive primary swing the other thing that saved Labor there was the wrong candidate made the 2cp if youhana had of made it the outcome would probably have been different.
@ John
Pearce is a traditional Liberal seat so it is not a replacement for the Teal seats. The Libs are not going to win Bean, Fremantle or Calwell. Youhana if he won like Dai Le may have supported a minority Liberal government though. To look at a replacement for the Teal seats you need to look at what seats Coalition could win that they did not in 2013 (Ballarat, Bendigo, Whitlam) are 3 possibilities. Soloman is also a seat that Libs won in 2013. There are 6 teals seats plus Brisbane, Boothby, Ryan and Sturt all demographically tealish. If they abandon net zero then those 10 seats will not be won plus they may loose Goldstein so there needs to be 11 seats to be won that Libs did not win in 2013.
Yes I said they were teal seats that that could be won off Labor. Yes I think a deal needs to be made on net zero abandoning it is not an option but neither is the current arrangement.the nats support abandoning it because it appeals to their voters and the greens the opposite support increasing it. Labor and the libs are somewhere in the middle. Although still on opposite sides of the board
@ John
Although i think if Teals win Freemantle, Bean those Teals will back Labor in hung parliament. Maybe there is a narrow path for Coalition to win a majority without Teal seats, Ryan, Brisbane and Boothby.
They will need to win most of the following seats all of which were not won in 2013.
1. McEwen
2. Blair
3. Werriwa
4. Whitlam
5. Hawke
6. Gorton
7. Hunter
8. McMahon
9. Lingiari
Any Ryan involvement in a moderates-teal merger could be problematic, Kooyong Liberals would want one of their own, and that’s why it wouldn’t surprise me if Hamer was drafted.
@SCart, can’t see JF winning Kooyong, and if he did, Kooyong’s demographics will only worsen for him, when the Camberwell Activity Centre redevelopment goes ahead.
Yea the libs aren’t winning mcmahon. Blair should be the easiest to Ewing a favourable redistribution should help cut the ,arguing considerably Blair will either be made safer for Labor in the event of an extra seat or more marginal and easy enough for the coalition to win. The lnp have demonstrated that Ipswich especially Ipswich West can be turned it used to be a safe Labor seat. The margin will likely be as close to a dead heat after the redistribution. The strategy of targeting outer suburban working class seats can work. The rest of those seats are gettable lingiari is a troublesome seat though. It has low turnout and that is probably the only thing that keeps it within range for the libs
The libs would be better running hamer again. Her baggage has already been aired out and still she managed to get close enough to scare Ryan. The vic liberals are reportedly trying to draft her though.
@ John
McMahon has been cited as seat that Libs could win. In 2013, they tried hard it is a religious socially conservative seat and very Catholic.
So if we drop Lingiari and McMahon we can add Ballarat/Bendigo to give 9 seats in lieu of Tealish seats.
Yea doubtful that area is becoming more and more cald especially by Muslims mostly Assyrian and Iraqi. Their best hope for mcmahon is for the western Sydney party run by carbon and le to run. If carbon put up he would have probably beaten bowen. Lingiari is not really ff the cards. Lisa Chester’s is as useless as t@#$ on a bull and was only saved by the leftist vote in macedon/castelmaine that and the national swing blunted the nats swing at it. If they got that close in a bad year imagine what would happened in a good one. Hunterwkll be hard to hold as any future redistribution will keep making it smaller focusing on Labor voting Lake Macquarie.
The redistribution in Tasmania will probably make Lyons easier to win also. My plan for sawmill also probably secure Mayo for Labor.
@ John
I think if Carmen Lazar if she ran as an independent she can take seats if backed by Dai Le. She is Assyrian. Carbone is Italian and that community is mostly assimilated so maybe Libs can convince he to run as an independent with the backing of Carbone.
Regarding Mayo, it is probably best for Libs to keep Rebecca Sharkie for the time being until their is an expansion of parliament and the Libs are stronger in SA to stop Labor taking the seat.
Yes I think that is a good plan same with wentworth. Mayo will probably be a Labor seat though afterwards
I’m not too sure if Monique Ryan will lose in 2028 as I can’t predict that far out. However, I wouldn’t rule it out either.
Ryan had a few tailwinds in 2025 such as an unpopular Liberal Party and leader and the vanishing of Josh Frydenberg’s personal vote. She withstood a fairly reasonable Liberal challenger with a lot of party backing. You could tell that the Liberals were more hellbent on winning Kooyong and Goldstein than winning back either of the metro Sydney teal seats. Hawthorn is the most teal part of Victoria based on the results despite Ryan’s controversies.
I believe it’s possible for the Liberals to win teal seats and win outer-suburban or regional electorates like McEwan or Bullwinkel and they’re not mutually exclusive. The Liberals won Goldstein, albeit by a narrow margin, and almost won Bullwinkel in 2025. However, net zero could be a deal-breaker in more affluent teal seats like Kooyong. The teals were elected largely because of their stance on net zero and the environment. Also, climate change is much higher on the agenda than say, cost of living or other bread and butter issues.
@ Votante
Bulliwinkle should be a Liberal seat had it existed in 2013 when Libs won government from Opposition it would be a liberal seat but it in essence replaced Stirling which was abolished in 2022 so no net gain if they won it. However, McEwan was not won in 2013 so if the Libs want a path that does not include Teal seats they need to look at which seats they did not win in 2013 that they possibly could win in lieu i have listed some examples above.
The Liberal Party’s problem in McEwen is the lost of conservative areas to Casey, Nichols and Indi. Despite that, McEwen should be a Liberal target.
@nimalan I’d expect bullwinkel to be a liberal gain in 2028 especially if hastie gets up. The fact that he’s creating waves in the coalition suggests he is building a case to topple sussan ley.
@john and Nimalan Hastie as leader would cause the loss of Goldstein and likely Berowra as well. Mitchell could even be at risk. The Libs also won’t be able to win back seats like Menzies, Banks etc. Hastie fundamentally would be seen as the 2nd Dutton.
@ John
Bullwinkle should be a Liberal gain no matter who is the leader but point still stands that it is not a replacement for the Teal seats if Liberals move further rightwards. Had it existed it would be a Liberal seat in 2007-2019 also Stirling has been abolished.
@ Pencil, you are correct McEwan has lost conservative areas. The other point as it urbanises much of it is now a spill over of Calwell and Scullin which means it is getting demographically more challenging
@ Dan M
I agree Hastie would mean the Libs would go further backgrounds among Moderate Liberals especially if they abandon Net Zero so Goldstein, Berowra would be likely loses. Mitchell is also a possibility. The other seat I see as a possible loss is La Trobe which is rapidly urbanising and seeing a growing educated South Asian community. Hastie will likely pick up Moore and Pearce though but i think he will be unpopular in Swan, Curtin and Tangney despite it being his home state
Agree Nimalan, Hastie as a right faction figure is decent, but his public airing of socially conservative views will harm the Coalition and Liberal Party in the seats dominated by young, tertiary educated professionals (almost all inner-city teal and Labor held ones).
Past history has shown most Coalition/Liberal leaders both at the state and national level do come from the right faction, but their path to victory was to emphasise community centred issues (employment, cost of living and security/law and order, not centred around social/fringe issues).
@ Yoh An
Hastie is certainly more presentable and polished than Dutton. He went to an Elite Private School in a Teal seat and is the son of a clergyman who is white collar in terms of family background. However, he does not seem to be pragmatic and maybe foolish to reveal his cards too soon so may have made enemies in the party.
Funny how over the span of a few years the commentary has gone from that hell will freeze over before Mitchell votes Labor to that Mitchell voting Labor is a serious possibility. Things can change fast in politics, hey?
Agree Nicholas, I see Mitchell and northern Sydney overall (Hills District and North Shore regions) very much like some affluent parts of New Jersey in USA surrounding New York City that form part of its greater metropolitan area. Republicans used to win congressional seats on a regular basis in this part of the country, often with secure margins (>10%). However, the party’s turn towards Trumpism and MAGA rhetoric has alienated these voters, and this region is now considered somewhat Democratic leaning.
@ Nicholas/Yoh an
Exact comment about hell to freeze over is below from @James was even made on 24/09/2024 less than a year ago. Good examples to the US. The Hills District looks like American Suburbia McMansions, Strip Malls, Kids hanging out at the Mall etc. Suburban New Jersey, Nassau county (Long Island), Collar counties of Chicago, Suburban Atlanta, Suburban Dallas &Houston are examples of traditionally consevative suburbia trending away from the right due to ethnic diversity and High education.
https://www.tallyroom.com.au/archive/nswcouncil2024/thehills2024#comment-818940