There has been a clear trend in recent federal polling – One Nation has been gaining ground, seemingly at the expense of the Coalition. We’ve now reached a point where One Nation are regularly polling in the mid-teens. If they were to achieve such an election result, it would be the highest vote share polled by a minor party in a federal election under the modern party system, in excess of the best results for the Greens or the Democrats.
There’s a long time to go before the next election, but it does raise questions about what an election held with current polling might look like.
Thankfully pollster DemosAU has given us a glimpse of what this might look like, with the publication of a new MRP poll.
The top-level figures for this poll have been a talking point throughout this week, but for this blog post I wanted to use this poll as an opportunity to look at what we do know and what we don’t know about how a surge in the vote for a minor party might change how an election works.
It isn’t just one pollster showing this One Nation surge. The party polled 6.4% at the 2025 federal election (running in 147 out of 150 seats). The first Roy Morgan polls in June 2025 showed the party still on 6%, but the first Redbridge post-election poll in late June had the party on 9%. They first cracked 10% in an August-September Redbridge poll and have been in double digits in every poll since the end of September.
Five of the nine latest polls have One Nation on 17% or 18%. This has been found by Redbridge twice, as well as Spectre Strategy and by MRPs from DemosAU and YouGov.
The DemosAU poll was released on Tuesday, with a sample size of 6928 respondents, conducted from October 5 to November 11.
The headline figure of twelve One Nation seats is shocking, but it gives us an insight into how our electoral system might operate differently if a minor party was to poll this highly: particularly when they get close to parity with one of the major parties.
It is worth stating that MRPs should be taken with more than a grain of salt. They can give you a general sense of how the vote will play out in our electoral landscape, but I wouldn’t put too much focus on any one electorate. In this case, there is a lot of unknowns about how a One Nation surge would go.
The MRP includes a number of steps, and I am more qualified to analyse some of them than others. Firstly, DemosAU has used their large polling sample to estimate primary vote figures in all 150 electorates for Labor, Coalition, Greens, One Nation and “others”. I won’t try to interrogate this result.
Secondly, they determine which two candidates are most likely to be in the two-candidate-preferred count, and then they use estimates of preference flows to calculate a 2CP. This then allows them to classify seats based on who is winning and by how much.
It is the estimates of preference flows where I think these estimates become the least reliable, and I will dive further into that issue later in this post.
What makes this poll most fascinating is how it explores the ways in which single-member electorates can produce distorting results, where a relatively small shift in votes can totally change the dynamics in numerous seats.
DemosAU have One Nation making the 2CP count in 49 out of 150 seats, up from just two at the May 2025 election. There were a further three seats where they didn’t include ON in the 2CP but it was a close-run thing, with ON either outpolling or tieing with one of the top two on primary votes. DemosAU has One Nation polling 25% or more in 21 seats, and 30% or more in eight seats.
Just 76 out of 150 seats (a bare majority) would be classic Labor vs Coalition contests.
If this was to come true, the dynamics would be totally different in those seats, and would be far more volatile. The leading candidate had a primary vote of 37% on average across the 150 seats. The leading candidate would only poll 40% or more in 52 out of 150 seats. Preferences would become more crucial, with orders of elimination deciding numerous seats.
Let’s go back to those 49 seats with One Nation making the final count. These seats understandably tend to the conservative and rural. Just 25 are Labor-held, with 21 held by the Coalition and three held by others (Calare, Indi and Kennedy). That is barely a quarter of all Labor seats, but almost half of the Coalition’s current seats. These seats are mostly outside the cities. 22 of these seats are classified “rural”, 12 are “provincial”, and 15 are “outer metropolitan”. That’s about half of all rural and provincial seats.
Of the twelve seats that DemosAU has One Nation winning, eight of them are rural. The only outer metro seat is Canning in Western Australia. Eleven of these seats are Coalition-held seats, plus Calare (which I have particularly strong doubts about).
Regardless of what preference estimates you apply to this list, it would undoubtedly cause havoc, particularly to the Coalition’s remaining MPs. Some Labor MPs may be worried, but the core of Labor’s majority would remain untouched by such a movement.
So let’s get to these preference estimates.
The problem is that we don’t have much of a sample of how preferences flow when One Nation makes the two-candidate-preferred count. In the last two decades, One Nation has only made the 2CP four times: once each in 2016 and 2019, and twice in 2025.
Those two seats in 2025 were Hunter and Maranoa, won respectively by Labor and the LNP. So we have one example of a Labor vs One Nation contest, and one example of an LNP vs One Nation contest.
DemosAU have used the preference flows in these seats to calculate the 2CP, and that is what has produced twelve seats for One Nation.
I think this is a reasonable decision – after all, it’s the only data we have – but we should take it with an enormous pile of salt.
It’s particularly problematic when it comes to calculating the general ‘others’ vote. In Hunter, One Nation gained a strong flow of preferences from Trumpet of Patriots (75%), Family First (69%) and the Shooters (63%), but more than half of preferences from Legalise Cannabis and Animal Justice flowed to Labor.
Yet in Maranoa, every single party in the ‘others’ category was from the far right – People First, Libertarian, Family First and Trumpet of Patriots. While this is not that surprising in seats where One Nation is strong, I assume there will be some left-leaning voters in that ‘others’ group.
If I dial down the preference flow to One Nation vs LNP from ‘others’ from 67.7% to 55%, the Coalition regains the lead in three seats: Lyne, Groom and Riverina.
I also think we should put aside the result for the seat of Calare – I think DemosAU is probably understating Andrew Gee’s share of the ‘others’ vote and his share of preferences against One Nation, but none of that is based on much in the way of verifiable facts.
So with those four seats not in the One Nation column, this leaves One Nation winning eight seats. Which is still a lot!
The other thing to note is that all eight of these One Nation wins are in a 2CP contest against Labor, with the Coalition dropping into third place. These eight seats are Canning, Capricornia, Flynn, Grey, Hinkler, Parkes, Wide Bay and Wright. They are all now held by the Coalition, but in all eight the MRP has the Coalition dropping into third.
It has become obvious for a while now that it is easier for the Greens to win a seat where Labor falls into third place and they benefit from Labor preferences. It is much more difficult for the Greens to win against Labor when Liberal preferences favour Labor. This explains why the Greens won Ryan, Brisbane and Griffith in 2022, and also explains their loss of Brisbane and Griffith in 2025. If One Nation begin making the 2CP more regularly, they are far more likely to win when the Coalition drops into third place, and Coalition preferences elect One Nation over Labor.
I should also note that the Greens lose Ryan in this MRP, not because the Greens vote drops much, but because the LNP drops and Labor gains ground.
There is clearly a lot of volatility in the electoral system, although it it mostly concentrated on the right – this MRP shows Labor winning almost two thirds of seats, with the more progressive and urban parts of the country largely continuing as they are while the rural and right-wing parts descend into a fierce Coalition-One Nation contest. Our electoral system is not designed to represent these parties fairly, and it can produce large seat changes on relatively small shifts in support.
If polls continue to report similar numbers as we approach the next election, there will be a lot we won’t know about who will win seats. It certainly won’t be boring.
Parkes is one of the seats at risk of falling to one nation. Living in the electorate I think the biggest barrier for one nation has and will continue to be running a candidate from Sydney with no local presence and no one volunteering for them. If they ran someone local it may well fall
Clearly voter frustration is building to drive One Nation’s polling results but the Hinchinbrook byelection result shows it is not easy to extrapolate the data across every seat. Some issues like Pauline’s repeat burqa stunt do not translate to regional and rural seats where you never see anyone wearing one. Equally the result does not necessarily flow between Federal and State politics and needs to be broken down between each State. Frustration with two tiers of Labor in Victoria is not the same as Queensland’s LNP State Government and Federal Labor.
Canning – ONP taking out Andrew Hastie is a defacto Liberal Right leadership decapitation strategy.
With the major parties first preferences dropping, we will see more and more volatility. Preferences are making a bigger impact on the outcome. If there is a portion of the electorate swayed by the leaders rather than policies, the preference flows from this cohort will have a bigger impact.
If Dutton was a bit more likeable and bit more presentable to the electorate resulting in a slighly different preference flow to the coalition and away from labor, results would be different.
Single-member electorates are more predictable when the major parties are polling stronger on first preferences, with only a few upsets. But if Labor first preferences drop below 33%, which they could easily do if they continue on their current do-little approach, and the coalition stay where they are or drop back further, electoral outcomes will be wild.
this is just proving Susan lEy leadership is inept and going nowhere. i seriously doubt onp would win here. Seat by seat polling isnt as accurate as national polling.
Discipline has always been the One Nation problem. Can they hold it together to get to the next election and thej if they win seats can they hold it together then?
I agree with @Redistributed. It is often recalled that One Nation won 11 seats at the 1998 Queensland state election. Less often is it recalled what had happened to the party and those MPs by the time of the 2001 election.
As a candidate in the Hunter this year it was disturbing to see Nats team members and PHON team members wearing each others Tshirts during pre poll at different booths. Nats staff also delivered PHON how to votes to booths when Pauline and Clive fell out over candidate preference recomendations and PHON did a last minute reprint. I am guessing that level of conservative co-operation will not be happening anymore going forward.
Agree Nicholas and Redistributed, so far it seems that Malcolm Roberts is the only One Nation MP/Senator who has stayed with the party for a full term. Other One Nation parliamentarians like Senators Brian Burston (NSW) and Rod Culleton (WA) quit the party midterm.
If the two new One Nation Senators Sean Bell (NSW) and Tyron Whitten (WA) manage to stay within the party by the time of the next election in 2028, it would be a sign the party may be more stable compared to earlier years.
along with Pauline Hanson of course
@Andrew so what? we all know taht Greens and Labor are in a secret relationship with each other. If conservative parties choose to work together thats their business.
@Hughie, the comment about ON taking out Andrew Hastie in Canning is a fanciful notion. Hastie polled a primary vote of 42% at the election this year. The ON candidate polled over 11%, up from under 4% at the 2022 election. That is a big boost over three years admittedly, but I can’t see how a ON candidate could get up around the 20% plus required to chase a preference flow to dislodge Hastie.
73% of ON preferences went to Hastie by may calculations. Military man that was one of the first to break out and repudiate Net Zero – I would expect some of that 11% to be voting Hastie # 1 in 2028.
Huxley is right – there is no way One Nation is winning Canning – unless Hastie defects to One Nation of course, which I find a fanciful notion at present.
In Calare for example, DemosAU have One Nation gaining 76% of preferences from the Nats (20%), Labor (12%) and the Greens (5%). This is completely fanciful. Even if we say 100% of Nats preferences flow to One Nation, they’d still need 47% of Labor and Greens preferences to get the 51-49 result predicted. This prediction is so bad as to make me doubt the entire poll.
Similarly, to get the predicted results in ON-ALP contests, ON would need 78% of Coalition preferences in Canning, 72% in Capricornia, 73% in Flynn and 89% in Grey (assuming 85% of Greens preferences go to Labor, and ‘Other’ splits 50-50). In the Hunter in 2025, they managed ~60%. It’s ridiculous.
Ben, I know you are a keen advocate for proportional representation in the lower house as well as upper, but can you expand on what you mean by:
“..while the rural and right-wing parts descend into a fierce Coalition-One Nation contest. Our electoral system is not designed to represent these parties fairly..”
What this Demos MRP model clearly demonstrates is that we could be on the cusp of a great dawn of the power of preferential (ranked choice as many around the world like to describe it). This MRP forecast should be the death knell of “strategic” or “tactical” voting. Voters just have no idea what the order of exclusion and preference flows will be, BEFORE casting their vote. There should be a national education campaign from the AEC that the appropriate way to complete your ballot is to number the squares in the true order of your preference. I firmly believe that the act of encouraging voters to do anything else should be against the Electoral Act
The AEC have no business encouraging people to do anything other than voting formally and keeping their details up to date
I would have thought the AEC already communicates to the effect of saying that you should number candidates in order of preference.
Tactical voting is intrinsic to democracy, no matter what system is used. It is to the discretion of the voter and the voter alone as to whether they choose to vote tactically.
“If One Nation begin making the 2CP more regularly, they are far more likely to win when the Coalition drops into third place, and Coalition preferences elect One Nation over Labor.”
I believe that One Nation is more likely to win Hunter, Paterson or Blair than a rural or provincial Coalition seat. It is because a One Nation win depends on the Coalition falling to third place (after preferences) behind Labor. A weakened Labor vote also favours ONP. Pauline Hanson won Oxley – a Labor seat, in 1996 and came close in 1998 – Blair, another Labor seat. However, the 1998 result was helped by her personal vote and profile – something that hardly any ONP candidate has.
In most rural and provincial Coalition seats, the Coalition leads on primary votes. In an LNP vs ONP contest, Labor preferences would favour the LNP ensuring they hold the seat.
One Nation has no political power, so a vote for them is a vote for nobody.
Recall Heather Hill was elected in Qld in 1998, quickly ran into S. 17 issues, though she’d renounced her UK citizenship, ruled ineligible.
Rod Culleton was also kicked out by a court ruling.
Them there’s funding, volunteers, scrutineers, the organisation isn’t there.
Looking at the Qld 1998 results, ON won in Ipswich West and Lockyer with Paff and Prenzler, Nanango with Pratt, Mulgrave with Rappolt, they also won Maryborough, Whitsunday, Thuringowa, Tablelands and Caboolture.
These are all areas of German farm settlement from the 19th century, there’s a culture among these people that if the present rep isn’t doing much good they’ll give someone else a go. Gympie elected ON in 2001 and 2004, by 2006 there was a perception that Elisa Roberts was voting with the Government a lot of the time and she was voted out.
Based on all that, i’d say Buchholz is gone in Wright, Katter is gone in Kennedy and Llew O’Brien has run his race in Wide Bay.
Although they didn’t show up in CQ in 1998, ON has polled well in the State seats in Capricornia since 2017, so add that to the list.
@Vontante
The poll numbers (particularly this MRP) are likely showing rural and older voters as being the most willing to shift from LNP to ON – thus there is actually an exchange between first and 3rd place to allow ON to beat Labor on a 2CP basis.
In reality I also think Nats MPs can probably sandbag their seats pretty well and generic topline Coalition polling might not capture the extent to which they can do that, particularly with only Hanson loyalists or ghost candidates running for ON.
“In most rural and provincial Coalition seats, the Coalition leads on primary votes. In an LNP vs ONP contest, Labor preferences would favour the LNP ensuring they hold the seat.”
@ Votante_ Whether Labor voters would follow the HTV and put ON last is another thing. Looking over the 1998 results, Labor prefs saved Nats in a few seats, Liberal prefs saved Labor in Ipswich.
My guess, ON support is from former NP voters, there is preference support for ON among a minority of Labor voters and Liberal voters would prefer Labor to ON.
I think the problem is Susan Ley. She has had over 6 months and all she is doing is tanking the vote. Pauline Hanson is just scooping up the disaffected voters. She will be likely challenged and beaten because even moderate MPs are desperate to recover some of the voters who have abandoned the liberal and national parties. Taylor is a likely death sentence as well.
Things might be even worse for the Libs if Sussan Ley wasn’t the leader – she is not to blame – she took on an absolute sh**show. She has to be admired for her doggedness and positivity.
Will she be leader this time next year? Possibly…
Will she be leader at the next election? Probably not
Will she ever be PM? Definitely not.
I don’t think she will make it far past Easter or anzac day at the latest tbh
Looks like some NP voters in NP seats and some NP voters in some Liberal seats aren’t happy.
Looking back at the “Results of the 1998 Queensland state election”, out of 1,936, 000 votes, and out of the 439,000 for ON, NP lost 220,000, Libs lost 130,000 and Labor lost perhaps 90,000 to ON.
Issues then were mostly Canberra’s GST, which was closing businesses in rural main streets in Qld. In other words, Canberra putting the brakes on the rural economy.
Electricity policy out of Canberra is finishing off what’s left, so, yeah, anything could happen in the next 29 months, but right now One Nation is on track to take most of the NP seats, perhaps half a dozen of the Liberal seats and the same number of Labor seats.
My opinion, Lyons, Bass and Braddon are natural One Nation seats too.
Fwiw, in Qld female ON candidates had the most longetivity, Pratt in Nanango/Barambah, Lee Long in Tablelands and Elisa Roberts in Gympie.
Pratt and Lee Long were undefeated, Roberts was under no real pressure to hold the seat, but fell over anyway.
On Ley, the issues that lost Dutton the election aren’t the issues that are causing NP and LP voters to look at One Nation.
Labor/Greens/Teals voters who voted Liberal in 2019 in metropolitan seats is where the gold is at, Hastie or Angus Taylor would be plaing Blind Mans Buff locating those voters.
I wonder if One Nation would be able to keep the margins in the polls as they would had to have faced two challenges.
1) The minor party problem in that it can easily fragment with politicians and candidates leaving due to the lack of unity from its policy direction.
2) The Bread and Butter issues would tend to dominate during election campaigning season which is a weak point for One Nation due to their campaigns to appeal their voter fan base rather than going broad (a disadvantage when voting is compulsory).
“2) The Bread and Butter issues …”
Nuclear and Trump aren’t B&B Issues, but it was enough to lose Liberals 15 of their 43 seats.
Similarly in 2022, the Brittany Higgins “scandal” lost them 20 seats, but it had nothing to do with CoL issues.
Affordable energy and unsustainable Immigration are B&B issues, the problem is ON is late to the party on Energy, and assimilation of migrants, apart from being unrealistic, doesn’t addrees the core issue of volume on ecological sustainability.
I believe the primary vote gap between the Coalition and ONP should widen come election time. The opposition would be in campaign mode and get more air time. There would probably be a new crop of minor right-wing or populist parties. It was like how Clive Palmer and Gerard Rennick got their parties going almost on election eve.
@Gympie, John Howard, as PM, put One Nation last on HTV cards. He had a vendetta. Labor has generally put One Nation last. This kept One Nation seats to a minimal in 1998.
@Maxim
“In reality I also think Nats MPs can probably sandbag their seats pretty well and generic topline Coalition polling might not capture the extent to which they can do that, particularly with only Hanson loyalists or ghost candidates running for ON.”
The Nationals have a better campaign machine and party structure than ONP. Come election time, the political experience of the Nats, the party and sitting MPs, would work to their advantage.
Okay there’s a lot of stuff to address here.
Huxley:
I think it’s likely that Hastie would be relatively well placed to resist any underlying trend, but the ON vote in this poll is almost triple their 2025 result – up from 6.4% to 17. Meanwhile the Coalition vote is down about 8%. That’s going to happen somewhere, and the MRP is the best guess of where.
Blast2095:
I think you need to separate the primary vote estimates, that seem quite plausible to me, from the preference flow estimates. I don’t think the weakness of some of the latter necessarily invalidates the former.
In the case of contests between ON and another minor party, there is zero data to go on, so it is weaker than others. I think Calare is wrong, but your calculations are off because you seem to be assuming that all of the ‘others’ vote is Andrew Gee which is not true, there was another sizeable independent last time and there’d be other minor parties too.
I don’t know where you got your numbers on how preferences flowed in Hunter in 2025. Almost 83% of Nationals preferences flowed to One Nation over Labor. Almost 60% of ‘others’ preferences flowed to One Nation, and 87% of Greens preferences flowed to Labor. Considering those numbers, all of those results are plausible. Indeed both William Bowe and myself separately applied the Hunter and Maranoa figures ourselves and got the same results (sometimes off by one point). I explain why I think the Maranoa ‘others’ preferences are probably a bit high, but otherwise I think they’ve used the best numbers they have.
High Street:
If this kind of result were to happen, there would be a lot of seats where candidates are elected with very low primary votes and where tiny shifts can flip a bunch of seats. I don’t think it’s going to have much in common with a fair representation.
Votante:
The Labor primary vote seems to be holding up reasonably well, so even if ON were to get into the 2CP in Labor-held seats there’s probably not enough votes for them to win. But seats with a bigger pool of right-wing votes have more potential. Maybe things would be different if there was a big swing to the right – a mirror image of the Greens wins in Brisbane and Ryan in 2022.
Ben, absolutely. Labor’s vote is holding up. The chance of One Nation winning a seat is very slim at this stage. The main takeaway of recent polling is that the Coalition support has dropped significantly whilst One Nation has gained. If Labor’s vote were to crash in Hunter, then it could get interesting.
I guess Vince Tarzia is done.
@Gympie I highly doubt One Nation can win Kennedy, unless all three of these things happen; Bob Jr retires, he folds the party, and Robbie runs for One Nation.
I reckon a rise in One Nation support could ruin the Coalition’s chances in marginal, outer suburban seats.
In Berowra and Forde, there are semi-rural areas and booths that record high number of Lib or ONP primary votes.
Continued division in the Coalition could either:
1. Split the right-wing vote with a swing from the Liberals to ONP or other minor right-wing parties. Not all ONP voters would send their preferences to the Libs.
2. Make some Liberal voters swing to Labor.
Either of these would make it harder for the Libs to retain or regain marginal seats.
Not to mention the Teal seats would become an instant write off.
Though let’s face it they already are written off for the Liberals.
LNP voters in FNQ and NQ are more likely to shift to the KAP rather than PHON as has been shown in previous elections (Mulgrave- state election 24). Many rural LNP voters in FNQ come from diverse ethnic backgrounds (Punjabi, Croatian, Italian, etc) and are put off by PHON’s ethnic messages and prefer KAP’s general messages about North Queensland rather than targeting particular ethnic or religious groups. PHON’s cut through will be in the central QLD seats (Flynn, Capricornia, etc).
@GreenieFNQ, agree as KAP normally campaigns with general messages with a strong emphasis on bread and butter issues and the local community which appeals more to the politically uninterested voter rather than ONP message in appealing to core supporters.
PHON looks more like a gatekeeper for the Majors on Immigration. For instance, let’s say I moved to Taipeh, a western city with a reasonable standard of living. As a 3rd Gen Aussie with 8 English G-grandparents, i’d have no hope of learning the language and as for assimilating, my best bet would be to keep a very low profile. So it’s bound to be the same for anyone arriving here.
On Dawson, front page of the Australian today, Palaszczuk’s Green Pumped Hydro project in the Pioneer Valley [one of the most beautiful places in Qld] which Crisafulli canned has poisoned the acquifer with Aluminium, Iron, Manganese and E-Coli so that farmers can’t drink the water or use it for irrigation or stock.
Low hanging fruit for Hanson if she was interested, since it doesn’t look like the present member or the former member did much when they were in Government.
In my opinion the whole “One Nation will become the new opposition, Labor will be in government forever” thing is just a load of bullshit. I’m doubtful that they would win any seats at all to be honest. Even in Queensland back in 2017, they got a grand total of one seat (Mirani).
Left-wing populist (Greens/Socialist/Labor Left) voters are desperate for power and their voters seem to be more authoritarian, just as much as their right-wing populist counterparts.
Look at Reddit, any mention of the Coalition is instantly bad. They have this fantasy of a progressive heartland where Australia only has Labor/Greens governments and that the opposition is One Nation and is therefore too extreme to win power. They do this to push the Coalition further right and make them less incompetent, because they can’t stand their party not being in government, but in reality that can end terribly as history tells us.
The idea of PHON becoming the opposition sounds like pie in the sky stuff, if anything, it will become the home of hard right conservatives, allowing the Liberal Party to tack back to the centre, just like the Greens take Labor’s left flank, allowing Labor to tack to the centre.
@Pencil exactly. To be honest if I was leader I would be doing my best to get all the hard-righters out, either by backing better candidates in preselection or by pushing them out. It’s annoying that they’re not in One Nation yet.
Seems there is chatter of a Liberal splinter with the Teals to potentially form a sort of centrist bloc separate from the current Coalition, that probably wouldn’t leave room for both the existing Coalition and ON IMO
@Nether Portal, that is what the Labor Party does, if someone joins and is too radical, Labor will nudge them to the Greens, and if they don’t go, Labor lets them stay without letting them get too much influence.
@Nether Portal two things can be true at once.
Yes, Reddit is very much left leaning. I use Reddit a fair bit and do tend to notice the Coalition gets hammered.
But that’s not the cause of the Coalition’s rightward shift. That can be put down to people like Alex and his Antics of branch stacking with far right religious people, or Sky News actively pushing right wing agenda.
Hell, Michael McCormack said in response to Barnaby potentially joining One Nation and wearing Orange “Well, at least it isn’t Teal!”
There is no hard right in the Liberal Party, it’s a slightly left of centre Party.
Australia was founded by English stock. These people rejected the English Tory Party and the Class System and it never took root here. One Nation is very mild conservatism without the ideology.
They’re well positioned to win all the National Party seats in Qld plus Wright Groom and Kennedy, since they have strong support among a subset of Labor voters too.
I say The Voice referendum identified where the potential ON vote is and the federal Senate election confirmed the underlying strength in 3 States.
Recent Senate elections also indicate that the National Party is on the way out.
“Hell, Michael McCormack said in response to Barnaby potentially joining One Nation and wearing Orange “Well, at least it isn’t Teal!”
@CJ – At least McCormack hasn’t lost his sense of humor. Morrison’s slide in the polls started when he let the Nationals dump McCormack for Joyce. Nationals vote also went backward then and it’s still going backward.
Hard to believe Joyce would be dumb enough to join ON, but if he does, it’s only a matter of time and enough rope before Hanson does what the National and Liberal Parties never had the guts to do.
@Gympie, the Liberal Party is not a left of centre party and has three main factions, the Hard Right, the Right and the Moderates. The Moderates overlap with the Labor Party’s right faction.
@Pencil no they dont. Liberal’s moderate faction is fiscally conservative, Labor’s right faction is not fiscally conservative