I’m at a candidates’ forum in Moggill, and I’ll be twittering from the event. You can see them on the right-hand side of the blog.
Archive for March, 2009
My Queensland prediction: part one
I’m now in Brisbane, and to kill time on the plane up I took a map of Queensland and flipped the seats I thought would fall. Of course, predictions are always fraught and I’m sure I’ll make plenty of mistakes. I’m gonna run through the predictions over two posts, but here is the overall prediction:
- ALP – 42 (-17)
- LNP – 42 (+17)
- Ind – 5 (+1)
- ON – 0 (-1)
- GRN – 0 (-)
Now I know this looks very symetrical, with the ALP and LNP stuck on the same number, but that’s mostly coincidence. Also there are some similarities to William Bowe’s predictions at Pineapple Party Time, but that’s probably unsurprising.
I’m working off the redistribution figures, so in the case where a party changes hands under the redistribution (such as Burdekin, Glass House and Clayfield) I’m counting them as notional seats post-redistribution. So I’m predicting that Tim Nicholls will hold Clayfield, but I count that as an ALP loss and an LNP gain.
The make-up of the seat changes are:
- 20 seats going from the ALP to LNP.
- 1 seat going from the LNP to ALP
- 1 seat going from the Greens to the LNP
- 1 seat going from the LNP to an Independent
A 42-42 tie would produce a likely LNP government, with Copeland and Cunningham very likely to support an LNP government, and an overall anti-Labor sentiment likely giving them government.
So let’s go through them by region:
Brisbane:
The map below shows a predicted election result. Light blue seats are those that I predict the LNP will win off other parties. In Brisbane I predict that the LNP will gain five seats off the ALP and one seat off the Greens. LNP Shadow Treasurer Tim Nicholls will overcome the redistribution and hold his seat, and I expect that the ALP will lose Aspley, Chatsworth, Cleveland and Springwood. I considered Redlands and Redcliffe but I leant against those seats falling, although it is very possible, as it is possible that safer ALP seats such as Everton could fall. This prediction comes from a 5-6% swing across Brisbane.
I also predict that the LNP will win Indooroopilly off Greens MP Ronan Lee. This would have been an easy prediction if the ALP was not preferencing the Greens, but I believe this will come down to the line. However the fact remains that Lee was not able to come first on primary votes in 2006 when he was an ALP member during a landslide election. If Scott Emerson manages an underwhelming 3% primary vote swing, that puts him on 45%, and I can’t see enough ALP voters preferencing Lee to give him the seat in that situation.
In the Sunshine Coast there is only one remaining Labor MP, in the seat of Pumicestone, straddling the Sunshine Coast and Brisbane. I predict that seat will fall. I’m predicting a 5% swing in the Sunshine Coast, but pretty much any swing to the LNP would produce an ALP wipeout.

Greater Brisbane area
Gold Coast
There are ten electorates the ECQ classifies as being part of the Gold Coast, and following the redistribution only four of these ten seats were held by the LNP. While the LNP has caused itself a lot of local trouble over funding for the new Gold Coast AFL stadium, I still think they will net a lot of the seats they need to form government. As you can see below on this map, I predict that the LNP will gain a further five seats, with the ALP only holding on to the seat of Albert, straddling the Logan area in the northwest of the Gold Coast region. This would happen on a predicted swing of 9%.

Greater Gold Coast region
Inland South-East Queensland
In spite of my prediction of a swag of LNP seats falling, I predict the LNP will lose two seats in South-East Queensland. I’m making an entire reckless prediction that former LNP MP Stuart Copeland will defeat the official LNP candidate. I also predict that, while she has no chance of winning, Pauline Hanson will perform surprisingly well in Beaudesert on the back of a sympathy vote over the supposed nude photos in News Limited papers as well as a general anti-major-party swing. I believe this will largely eat up the usual anti-Labor vote, and should push the LNP, whose campaign has been very shoddy in the electorate, down below the ALP.
I also predict that, outside of those two seats, there will be a swing in South-East Queensland large enough to topple the ALP in Toowoomba North.

South-East Queensland
Tomorrow: my predictions in Western Queensland, North Queensland and Central Queensland.
Update: Stuart Copeland, independent candidate for Condamine, says in comments:
Thanks for the reckless prediction – hope you are right. I think you are the first and only person to predict a Copeland victory.
Well, you can’t win if you don’t play.
Updated election maps
In spite of appearances on the blog, I’m not actually dead. I’ve rather been busy working on more advances for my maps for Queensland election night.
I’ve added a feature whereby, when you click on the electorate label, it provides you with the margin, the candidates, and the notional 2006 primary votes following the redistribution. You can download the file here or view it on the Queensland election page of this blog.
I’m getting to work now on trying to get XML built in, which would allow you to watch election results on the map.
Lowering the voting age?
Former punk rocker and Big Brother pest Aidan McLindon, who is currently the LNP’s candidate for Beaudesert, has called for the voting age to be lowered to 17. Most campaigning for lowering the voting age has aimed for the age to be set at 16, which is the Greens policy (with voluntary voting before 18). A campaign is building up in the UK to implement voting at the age of 16, with the Labour Party edging towards making it official party policy (although it would not be implemented until after the next election, which Labour look likely to lose). Newham borough council in London conducted a fascinating contest in October when they elected a Young Mayor:
Eleven to 17-year-olds who live, work or study in Newham were eligible to vote at schools, colleges and Connexions Shops throughout the borough. Turnout was 43% per cent; this is on par with the London Mayoral elections, 45%, and surpasses the 34% of the Newham Mayoral elections.
While it isn’t a position with huge power, it actually does mean something and is a fascinating way to get young people engaged a lot more than the current crop of “youth advisory committees” in local councils in Australia:
The 13 runners-up will form the core of the Youth Council, who will support and advise the Young Mayor and his Deputy. The Young Mayor will have a £25,000 budget and he and his council will decide how it will be spent. They will also direct more than £400,000 of Youth Opportunity Fund money into local projects providing things to do and places to go for young people.
Queensland Votes: day eighteen
The Greens have announced a preference deal with the Labor Party. The Greens will receive preferences in Indooroopilly for former Labor MP Ronan Lee, while the ALP will receive Greens preferences in fourteen seats: Ashgrove, Aspley, Barron River, Broadwater, Cleveland, Everton, Gaven, Greenslopes, Mansfield, Pumicestone, Redcliffe, Redlands, Southport and Whitsunday. Most of these seats are in Labor’s marginal range, although they go as high as Greenslopes on over 11%. (via Pineapple Party Time)
Some may criticise the Greens for this, as they had previously demanded a deal on Traveston Dam, and considered asking for proportional representation in local councils, but these would have been a waste of time for a few main reasons:
- While some Greens voters may criticise them for not standing firm on the dam, even more Greens voters in Brisbane would likely blame the party if, ala 1995, helped bring down the ALP government by exhausting statewide.
- The ALP wasn’t going to buckle on Traveston Dam, and a deal on proportional representation on councils would have been unlikely, and would be unlikely to include Brisbane City Council, which is really where the Greens most need proportional representation. Even if they had done a deal, the ALP has demonstrated in the past that policy promises are completely worthless.
- While there may be higher priorities than electing Ronan Lee in Indooroopilly, absent a genuine for a more long-serving Greens member in another seat or any form of proportional representation, I can’t see any other option for them.
Also in Queensland, here’s Ronan Lee speaking at the Greens campaign launch this week:
Seat in Focus: Burdekin
Burdekin is a North Queensland coastal electorate, lying on the coast starting north of the Whitsundays and following the coast to the southern edge of Townsville.
Burdekin is a traditional National Party electorate. The seat was one of 11 won by One Nation in 1998. The sitting One Nation MP joined the City-Country Alliance prior to the 2001 election, where the conservative vote was split three ways, allowing the Labor candidate to win the seat. The seat was won back by the Nationals in 2004 by Rosemary Menkens, who retained it in 2006 and is running again in 2009, although she only held on by 2.4% in 2006.
Ireland: economic crisis, early election?
If this is your first foray into Irish politics, you might want to start by reading this morning’s post.
Ireland’s most successful politician in half a century, Bertie Ahern, announced his resignation as Fianna Fail leader and Taoiseach on 2 April 2008, and soon after his Minister of Finance, Brian Cowen, was elected as the new Taoiseach.
Early polls put Cowen’s government in a strong position, with Fianna Fail polling over 40%, well ahead of Fine Gael in the mid-20s. His government’s first challenge came in June, when the Lisbon Treaty went to a national referendum.
Ireland: the odd one out
As the economic crisis worsens and speculation of an early election in Ireland increases, it seemed about time to give Australian psephologists a crash-course in Irish politics. I’ll follow this up with another post about the possible early election later today.
Ireland is probably the most unique and fascinating of political systems amongst the rich anglophone countries. They have a very different electoral system and a very different party system to countries like the UK, Canada, the US and Australia, and even New Zealand.
Irish politics is dominated by two major parties who both sit on the conservative side of the spectrum when it comes to European politics and are hard to identify in the way that it is easy to align the Labour parties in Britain, New Zealand and Australia with the Liberals in Canada and the US Democrats, and align their conservative opponents. The two parties’ origins lie in the divisions over the Anglo-Irish Treaty of 1921, which triggered the Irish Civil War.
The current government is led by Fianna Fáil (Gaelic for “Soldiers of Destiny”, pronounced “Feena Foll”), which originated in the anti-treaty elements during the Irish Civil War. It calls itself a “centrist’ party, and has tended to be Ireland’s dominant party.
The opposition is led by Fine Gael (pronounced “Finna Gale”) which can be described as “Christian democratic”. Again, like Fianna Fail, Fine Gael does not clearly distinguish itself as a centre-left or centre-right party. FG is considered to be more moderate in its nationalism while FF is considered more neoliberal in its economic policies.
Ireland’s electoral system allows access for a number of other parties. Like the ACT and Tasmania, the lower house of the Irish Parliament, the Dáil Éireann, is elected using the Single Transferable Vote. 43 constituencies across the Republic of Ireland elect 166 deputies, or TDs (“Teachta Dála”), with each constituency electing three, four or five deputies.
The outstanding third party in Irish politics is the Labour Party, which, as its name would suggest, is the main working-class and union political party. Unlike its namesakes in the UK and Australia, the party never achieved major party status and as such is considered to be further to the left, although Ireland is generally a conservative country, which could contribute to this perception. The party won 12% in 2007 and in recent years has been most closely aligned with Fine Gael.
The Irish Green Party came fourth at the 2007 election, electing six TDs. The party aligns with the European Green Party and the Global Greens, with similar policies to most Green parties.
The Dail also currently includes 4 Sinn Fein TDs. The party, unlike in Northern Ireland, is largely sidelined and stands out as a quasi-revolutionary far-left nationalist party. It has in the past attempted to work on a “common left front” of Labour, the Greens and Sinn Fein, overlooking their major differences. The party is directly linked to its Northern Ireland namesake.
The other party in the Dail at the 2007 election was the Progressive Democrats, a neoliberal party founded as a splinter from Fianna Fail in the 1980s. The party was FF’s main ally in Bertie Ahern’s government for its first two terms from 1997 until 2007, when the party lost six of its eight seats. The party decided to disband in December 2008 and both its remaining TDs now sit as independents supporting the Fianna Fail government.
Five years of Fine Gael/Labour government from 1982 to 1987 were followed by a Fianna Fail minority government from 1987 to 1989, when an attempt to win a majority resulted in losses for Fianna Fail and a coalition with the much-reduced Progressive Democrats.
This government collapsed in 1992, which saw an election where the Labour party gained a large number of seats and was put in a position where the only possible government was Fianna Fail/Labour. This government was succeeded in 1994 by a Fine Gael/Labour/Democratic Left government, which governed until it was defeated by a Fianna Fail/Progressive Democrats coalition at the 1997 election.
I write all this to demonstrate the remarkable stability of the last decade. Bertie Ahern led a new coalition government to become Taoiseach (Irish term for Prime Minister) at the 1997 election. The collapse in Labour’s seat numbers saw Fianna Fail and the PDs almost reach a majority, which they did with the support of independent TDs. At the 2002 election, Fianna Fail and the Progressive Democrats gained four seats each, resulting in 89 seats out of 166, a solid majority in Irish terms.
Ahern led the party to a third election in 2007, where Fianna Fail was reduced to its 1997 position, but a recovery in support for Fine Gael and the collapse of the Progressive Democrats resulted in a new Fianna Fail/Green/Progressive Democrats government. When Ahern retired as Taoiseach in 2008, he was the second longest-serving in modern Irish history.
My next post: The economic crisis, the Brian Cowen government, the collapse of Fianna Fail, and calls for an early election.
ALP preferences in Indooroopilly
Via Public Polity, the Australian is full of speculation about a possible deal that would see the ALP preference Greens MP (and former Labor MP) Ronan Lee in the inner-Brisbane electorate of Indooroopilly.
The Greens’ public position has been that the ALP will not receive their preferences unless the ALP reverses its position on the Traveston Dam. The mainstream media seems to be running on the assumption that this is a negotiating point, although I have heard from Greens members that the party is ready to hang the ALP out to dry if a deal is not reached.
My experience is that a deal which involves extracting policy concessions from the ALP in exchange for Greens preferences tend to be useless. The ALP will not usually move very far, and anything they promise will almost always be broken. This has led to a tendency for Greens to work on an assumption that anything the ALP says cannot be trusted, and that they lie almost out of habit. In contrast, the Greens have generally had better luck where deals operate on a “like-for-like” basis.
If the polls remain where they are currently sitting, and the chances of the ALP losing government remain high, the Greens should be able to extract a high price for their preferences. It would also benefit the Greens, who want to be able to exercise power on the ALP, but may be hurt with their base if they are seen as responsible for bringing down a Labor government and electing Lawrence Springborg. It would normally be not much of a big deal for the ALP to preference the Greens in a race against a Liberal, but the ALP has a tendency to throw a tantrum whenever a politician has the nerve to leave the party. Maybe the upside of a close election would be that it would help the ALP get over itself.
It’s interesting that the possibility of a Greens candidate winning a single-member electorate has arisen again. We’ve already seen Greens come close to winning in Mayo and Fremantle last year, and the federal election next year, along with the next Victorian and New South Wales state elections, could see the real possibility of Greens being elected in the Melbourne federal electorate as well as three inner-city Victorian state electorates and Balmain and Marrickville in Sydney.
Seat in Focus: Chatsworth
Chatsworth is the ALP’s most marginal seat in Queensland, lying in the outer eastern suburbs of Brisbane. The seat covers most of the centre of the federal electorate of Bonner. The electorate is split between two wards of Brisbane City Council that clearly lay out the divisions within the electorate. The northern parts of the electorate lie in the marginal Labor ward of Doboy, with the majority of the electorate lying in the ultra-safe Liberal ward of Chandler.
